he Royal Wedding is mentioned every 10 seconds .... Kate may omit OBEY when saying wedding vows .... London spruces Up for Royal Wedding ... Kate and William are described as "Unpretentious" ... and today is Good Friday, Pope Benedict XVl is to take a Q & A and the class are allowed to ask 3 questions!  All these news items roll in on Good Friday here in Southampton UK and the weather is warm and quite perfect and I am feeling jolly as I have been listed in Istanbul Turkey
as a winner of the Writing Competition organized by the British Council in Istanbul, Turkey, so I have won a book prize and I have donated my voucher to my Turkish Friend who lives in Turkey as I have 2 friends and one I feel certain does live in Turkey but with the other when I was in  Istanbul 2 years ago he was not in Istanbul Turkey but was somewhere else so thus my donation to my friend who is resident in Turkey.

 So the Royal Wedding is drawing near and the Government encourages us all to have Street Parties as we are not to be invited to Westminster Abbey to attend the wedding ceremony but are held as outsiders or the poor, the under class, the downtrodden, the elderly or in the case of this writer . The Professional Class though I see no snub in a reference to myself as belonging to the Professional Class though as a Class, we are sadly diminished.  Good Friday is a religious day in Catholic Countries but in Protestant England it is largely kept as a Bank Holiday and everyone is on a Sunday service bus service or public transport and the shops are half open and half closed.  So I shall tune in on my Radio at 3 pm for the BBC Religious Music on Radio 3.  Good Friday  celebrated!

Homosexuality still taboo on continent

Lesbian couple Bathini Dambuza, left, and Lindiwe Radebe, right, show off their engagement rings as they pose for a photo graph on Constitution Hill in Johannesburg yesterday. South Africa passed a bill recognizing gay marriage.

Background: The U.R.A. is not a new idea, its actually a much older one dating back to the 1960s and perhaps even further. Due to disputes between different countries, the idea has never truly got off the ground. The problem these days is that the players have changed, but many disputes are still there. The people involved in the politics have not realized that unification could be the answer to their problems.Geography & People: The people of Africa are united geographically, but within that geography the borders of countries and carved-up pieces of territorial land have created disputes over territory. By unifying into one larger republic or dominion, similar in concept to the United States or the European Union, the people would be unifying themselves as a singular continent, and thus be a much greater force to reckoned with. Separated, the people can be ignored and kept isolated by other larger/more powerful countries like the United States. As a larger unified group of nations, Africa would have more international power over its territory. Government: The republics of Africa would become more like individual provinces, governing over their own schools and their local economy. An unified federal government with a prime minister and multiple ministers from each republic. Thus a single group of leaders for all of Africa would be in place, and unlike a president, a prime minister can more easily be booted out of office due to corruption. Thus the system maintains its stability and fights corruption within its own ranks. This brand of democracy is already found in countries like Canada and Australia, where it has been proven to prevent widespread corruption. Economy & a Single Currency: Importing and exporting amongst themselves, African countries suffer from a lack of internal and external trade. By uniting as a single entity Africa will boost its inter-continental trade, and boost its internal trade system. By switching to a single currency for all of Africa internal trade will no longer have exchange problems, external trade will become more stable and reliable, and the economy will be boosted by record growth. Communications: There are two issues at stake here, one is electrical and the other is linguistics. Africa does not have an united language. 40% of the people in Africa speak English as their first language, but otherwise the languages are divided up into French, German and hundreds of native African languages and dialects. Those languages need to be preserved for historical reasons, but an official language will have to be recognized and taught in schools. For economical reasons, English would be the obvious choice, but a predominant African language (or several languages) might also be a good choice for cultural reasons, so that Africa is united under an indigenous African language. Scholarly, it would be possible to combine multiple African languages, plus some english into a new language and create an official African dictionary. It would be a linguistically challenge, but it is possible to do, and it would be a more patriotically unifying language. An United Africa would finally be able to create a continental-wide communications system for cellphones, internet and an unified African television network to showcase African-made tv shows and African-made films. Transportation: A better planned and transcontinental system of highways and railroads, along with better ferry services along coastal countries and on the Nile river. The end result would be to ease transportation, lower the cost of food and boost the overall economy of greater Africa. Tourism: Africa suffers from racism from other continents and a lack of tourism as a result. Part of the stigma is partially true due to the fact that war and conflict breaks out regularly amongst African countries. As an Unified Africa, internal civil wars and territorial disputes would be stopped, guns and militias eventually made useless under the weight of diplomacy and an United African Army. The end result would be a more peaceful continent and a continent more open to tourism. Military: An United African Army, an African Air Force, an African Navy, and perhaps the most important of all: An African Coastguard and a Federal African Police Network, to track smugglers and criminals within all of Africa. It would spell an end for criminal networks, militias and bring a sense of unity and pride to Africa as a whole. Plus, it would be cheaper to maintain a single larger military than to maintain many smaller military groups. Territorial Disputes: All territorial disputes within the internal republics would be solved diplomatically or made null and void, because the disputes would no longer be necessary amongst countries which are now economic allies. Disease: Controlling the spread of infectious diseases like HIV/AIDs would be a primary responsibility of an United Africa. Radical solutions may be needed, such as quarantined towns and cities where the infection rate is over 25%. Regular testing for diseases, a continental information network for controlling the diseases, and stronger federal programs to test for HIV and to promote the use of condoms in order to prevent HIV from spreading to others. The USA Factor: The United States doesn't want Africa to unify because then Africa will become a nuclear threat. As an united continent, Africa will have the technology and resources to build and test nuclear missiles. Since the Cold War, the United States has been supplying arms shipments to African countries and militias in order to maintain instability in Africa so that it will never unify. The fear during the Cold War has been that if Africa did unify, it might become a communist republic. Thus, it was the fear of a communist republic with nuclear weapon capability. Racism is also certainly a factor in the case of the United States, for many people in the Republican Party are also racists and have no interest in helping Africa and would much rather hinder it. For this reason, one of the primary duties of an United Africa will be to stop arms trade with the United States. Those weapons are fuelling wars, not stopping them. If you like This post Please Click on LIKE to appreciated us ê. Enter your email address To Get these facts direct into your Mail Box: Delivered by www.Shaan-Ali.blogspot.com

SOWETO, South Africa: She is two years and four months old, her first name means "acceptance" in Zulu, and if she were true to her name, she'd be dead by now. Instead, Samakilisewe Mthimkhulu is a chubby little girl, bursting with life. Barefoot, in a pair of hand-me-down red shorts and a red top, she wriggles on her mother's lap in the weathered little home they share along with five other children and a disease called AIDS, as the bronze winter sun drifts westward over Soweto. In order to keep death at bay, Samakilisewe is obliged to swallow a spoonful each of three liquid potions every morning, potions that bear the outlandish labels of faraway pharmaceutical firms: Bristol-Myers Squibb, Boehringer Ingelheim, GlaxoSmithKline. She does her duty without a fuss. "She likes the medicine," insists her mother, Bongiwe, 32, who is HIV-positive herself, as are two more of her children. Only Samakilisewe so far has AIDS. "She even reminds me when it is time." Unfortunately, not all South Africans are so diligent, starting with the health minister. If she could, Samakilisewe would be perfectly justified in marching up to South Africa's minister of health and telling her to go take a flying leap into the nearest reservoir. Health Minister Mzanto Tshabalala-Msimang, following the lead of President Thabo Mbeki, continues to cast doubt on the efficacy of a new generation of drugs known as ARVs, or anti-retrovirals: drugs that have saved countless lives in Europe and North America and that now offer hope to millions in Africa, when they are available. In South Africa, for the most part, they are not. "It's bizarre, it's irresponsible, it borders on the criminal," says Nathan Geffen, spokesman for the Treatment Action Centre, a South African agency that lobbies for greater access to these life-saving drugs. "There are a number of obstacles, but the one that stands in the way is the lack of political will." The cavalier policies of the South African government constitute just one of the hurdles obstructing the provision of AIDS treatment in Africa, and they apply only to that country. For the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, governments are mostly willing but lack the means, the skilled personnel and the resources to make treatment widely available. A timely and generous response by wealthy donor nations might have gone a long distance toward alleviating the continent's plight, while saving millions of lives in the process, but that is not exactly what has happened. "The level of delinquency on the part of the western world is astonishing," says Stephen Lewis, the U.N. envoy for AIDS in Africa. "I feel quite frantic about it." As a result, in the part of the world that needs it most, ARV treatment has been late to begin, and distribution remains spotty and slow. Meanwhile, people are dying, people whose lives could easily be saved. Consider Samakilisewe Mthimkhulu, who as recently as this past March was gravely ill, thin as sticks, and drifting toward death, until she was put on ARVs. Beginning on the eighth day of March, she rose again. Since then, three white plastic bottles of medicine have made all the difference in the world to this one child in this one block of red-brick shelters located in this sprawling African suburb to the south of Johannesburg. Samakilisewe is a very fortunate girl, one of the fortunate and the few. Taken together, some 5.6 million of this republic's 44 million citizens are HIV-positive, possibly the largest concentration of such people in the world, challenged only by India. Of these people, roughly 700,000 now are sufficiently compromised by AIDS that they require anti-retroviral treatment or they will surely perish, long before their times, just as thousands in this country, and more than 17 million people in all of Africa have already done. At present, however, only about 40,000 South Africans are receiving ARVs, a minuscule proportion of the sick and dying, and a rate of treatment that is far eclipsed by nearly all of this country's much poorer and far less developed neighbours. Of all the problems that now confront this continent, none is more potentially catastrophic than this virus passed from blood to blood during sexual intercourse. Only a few years ago, there was no hope of saving millions of people already infected with HIV, and instead African governments and international aid agencies threw most of their energies into trying to stop new infections from occurring, itself a wrenchingly difficult task. Everyone now agrees that it is horrendously difficult to change people's behaviour, their cultural or sexual patterns, even when life and death are at stake. "Behaviour change is the biggest challenge in prevention," says Derek von Wissell, head of the government anti-AIDS program in Swaziland. "I don't think anybody has cracked the nut of behaviour change." Still, health authorities in a host of countries have done their best. They have issued dark warnings about the threat of AIDS. They have put on plays in schools, dramatizing the dangers of unprotected sex. They have sent former commercial sex workers into African beer halls armed with condoms and wooden dildos, to demonstrate to hordes of inebriated men how the two go together. They have promoted sexual abstinence and monogamy, and they still do. Prevention of new infections remains the central strategy in the struggle against AIDS in Africa. Yet millions of people continue to engage in unsafe sex, for many reasons. In many areas, condoms are simply not available. Besides, to people who are seriously hungry today, the potential consequences of HIV infection (death in eight or 10 years) might seem a somewhat distant and unreal prospect and therefore a poor disincentive. Finally, sex in Africa is not typically conducted between two equal and consenting adults. Women and girls are at a clear disadvantage both culturally and economically, and they rarely determine the terms of their relationships with men. Here in South Africa, at least one organization has eschewed the sort of bleak, moralistic warnings that have long been the staple of AIDS-prevention campaigns on the continent. "Our focus really is around positive lifestyles," says Scott Burnett, an official at LoveLife, a hip, upbeat AIDS-prevention agency in South Africa. "It's not about wearing condoms. It's about being positive about your future." The agency's edgy slogan is "Get attitude." "You, your future, your dreams," says Burnett. "That's our message." Here's hoping it works. In the meantime, however, people continue to contract and succumb to a disease whose ability to kill is proving even more formidable than the experts used to believe, and that is saying plenty. "The early theories were that it couldn't hit 40 per cent," von Wissell says. "That is now thrown out the window." In several southern African countries, including Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland, 40 per cent and more of the adult population have already been infected. Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe are not far behind. If there were a cure for AIDS or a vaccination against the disease, then almost everything would change. But, so far, there is neither. For Africa, for now, the best hope resides in just three bottles of pills, multiplied over and over again, the standard triple-drug regimen of anti-retrovirals that is already saving and enhancing tens of thousands of lives on the continent. Unless you happen to be the South African minister of health, the effectiveness of these medicines is impossible to deny. Tshabalala-Msimang would be well advised to pay a visit to Cotlands, an AIDS orphanage located in Turffontein in the south end of Johannesburg, where there are always at least 60 youngsters prancing about the brightly lit corridors or resting in the dormitories, with their Shrek 2 bedspreads and stuffed animals. "I'm a firm believer in anti- retroviral treatment," says Allison Gallo, who works at the orphanage. "I've seen the condition of our kids improve dramatically." The orphanage's facilities include an 18-bed hospice, where staff workers provide palliative care for seriously ill children, some of whom are in the final stages of AIDS. A few youngsters, unable to breathe on their own, are hooked up to oxygen tanks. Others are excruciatingly thin, the epitome of starving babies. Prior to the introduction of ARV treatment at Cotlands, the orphanage was losing children to AIDS at the rate of three or four a week, says Gallo. There was nothing to do but care for them until they died. What a difference a few drugs make. So far this year, only five children at the orphanage have died of AIDS, a nearly miraculous turnaround. "Many children come in looking really dreadful, and we don't think there's much hope," says Gallo. "But, after a few weeks, there's a tremendous difference." In many poor African countries, the will exists to provide treatment for AIDS, but there is a woeful lack of "capacity": physical and organizational resources and skilled people to make use of them. In Malawi, for example, there are just 350 or so doctors in a population of about 12 million people. Only two of those doctors are pediatricians. In Swaziland, ARVs are available at only five government hospitals, where they are provided free of charge. But that's not much help if you live in the country's eastern lowlands, where the nearest government hospital is in Manzini, a four-hour bus ride away. The journey costs 20 emalangeni, equivalent to about $3.65 (Canadian) or 15 per cent of the average rural-dweller's monthly income. And so people die. But the dead do not include Nokhwezi Hoboyi, even if she has lost two newborn children to AIDS. The young Cape Town woman was infected with HIV in 1998, but her doctor refused to tell her so. She lost her first baby, then another, and finally became very ill herself. By 2002, she was passing out at work, and it was only then she found out that she had AIDS and she was dying. She would have died, too, were it not for ARVs. Now she takes two pills in the morning, three at night. "A lot of people have died without being able to access treatment," she says. "They have died without knowing their options." And, by the tens of thousands, Africans continue to die, deprived of the medicine that surely could save them. "I have improved," says Hoboyi who, at age 25, has a long life ahead of her. "I feel very much great." But she is one of the fortunate, the fortunate and the few. If you like This post Please Click on LIKE to appreciated us ê. Enter your email address To Get these facts direct into your Mail Box: Delivered by www.Shaan-Ali.blogspot.com

Over the past seven years of accelerating political oppression and economic decline, it has become clear that the deus ex machina will not come from abroad. Britain, the former metropolitan power, fears being accused of neo-colonialism. South Africa, which could apply powerful leverage, disguises its revolutionary sympathy with Mr Mugabe by proclaiming the (illusory) benefits of "quiet diplomacy". Saddest of all, the domestic opposition Movement for Democratic Change has been weakened by factional division.
If, then, the president is to be removed before 2010, it is more likely to be through a palace coup than foreign intervention or electoral defeat. The most obvious instigator is Emmerson Mnangagwa, a veteran guerrilla fighter and brutal former security minister who has fallen out with the president and opposes plans to extend his term beyond 2008. The catalyst for a coup would be his uniting disaffected elements of Zanu-PF and mid-ranking members of the security forces. Given Mr Mnangagwa's fearsome record, the result would hardly be sweetness and light.
But it would at least promise less crazy economic management than that offered by the octogenarian ogre who currently occupies State House.
Zimbabwe: Mugabe 2010 Plan in Tatters
Dumisani Muleya - Zimbabwe Independent (Harare) - February 9th 2007.

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's plan to extend his term of office which expires in March next year by another two years to 2010 is in tatters after the Zanu PF politburo failed to endorse it last week.
Resolutions in the politburo are carried by acclamation and the discord of the Goromonzi conference was manifest at last week's meeting, participants said. Consensus is important to avoid dissent in parliament when constitutional amendments are tabled to facilitate the plan.
Inside sources said this week the politburo, the ruling party's supreme decision-making body, baulked at approving the plan, which triggered an unprecedented internal revolt at the party's ill-fated conference in Goromonzi in December last year. This put Mugabe's plans in disarray.
As first reported by the Zimbabwe Independent in December, Mugabe wants to move from being executive president to a ceremonial head of state, elected by the current Zanu PF-dominated two houses of parliament in a joint sitting as an electoral college, after March 2008.
After this he would then appoint a prime minister from the majority party in parliament -- which is Zanu PF in this case -- to form and lead either a Zanu PF government or a government of national unity. The preferred position, in terms of the plan, is to appoint a government of national unity to rally round the new prime minister -- possibly Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono -- to work without partisan problems intruding

Mugabe, who probably wants to remain as the Zanu PF leader after its 2009 congress, would be a ceremonial head of state on paper while in practice continuing to govern as a de facto executive president. This is said to be part of his strategy to secure immunity from possible prosecution for his excesses in power.
Depending on events, Mugabe would leave in 2010, but party insiders say he has resolved to become life president. Last year Mugabe repeated his self-serving argument that he won't quit because his party would disintegrate.
Delegates to the Goromonzi watershed conference refused to endorse his 2010 election proposal which had purportedly been backed by eight Zanu PF provinces and the committee on the state of the party at the meeting.

Harare and Mashonaland East have up to now refused to support the plan.
Sensing an open rebellion over the conflict-ridden issue during the conference, the Zanu PF leadership took the safe way out. They suspended the process of making final resolutions, claiming there was no more time to do it. Party leaders then tried to mislead their supporters saying the delegates had upheld the election initiative, although they also admitted the plan had to be referred back to provinces.
Before last week's politburo, which was the party's first meeting in 2007 after the Goromonzi conference, Zanu PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira claimed the party was meeting to endorse resolutions of that conference. However, after that meeting he said the election harmonisation initiative had been referred back to provinces for further consultations, showing the politburo was still divided over it and had not made any headway.
This effectively means Zanu PF has now gone back to the drawing board to restart the unpopular process. Shamuyarira and Zanu PF national commissar Elliot Manyika are spearheading the campaign.
Their other brief is to re-organise the provinces to make them amenable to the 2010 plan. They however face continued resistance in Harare and Mashonaland East where senior party officials have refused to endorse Mugabe's extended tenure.
Sources said Manyika last year shocked members of the conference committee on the state of the party when he, as the committee chair, demanded they had to first pledge loyalty to Mugabe before debate on the issue. Committee members refused and told him to "stop being ridiculous", a source said.
After discussions, committee members said they supported the idea of the need to hold the elections simultaneously, but not necessarily in 2010. They asked why 2010 and not 2008 because they thought it was a Machiavellian way of trying to extend Mugabe's tenure, the sources said. After the politburo meeting last week, it was agreed that the party's central committee would meet next month to deal with the problematic issue again.
The politburo first approved the issue amid firm resistance in December. But the central committee nodded it through because it was supported mainly by the Women's League members who appeared choreographed in their statements. The central committee is likely to endorse it again in March. However, Zanu PF MPs are mobilising to block the plan in parliament where only 10 ruling party legislators -- already there in the form of Mashonaland East MPs -- need to vote with the opposition MDC to defeat it.

If you like This post Please Click on LIKE to appreciated us

ê.

Enter your email address To Get these facts direct into your Mail Box:

Delivered by www.Shaan-Ali.blogspot.com